The Journey of the Entering Tone from Middle Chinese 中古音からの入声の道

Introduction 紹介
One of the reasons I am interested in historical linguistics is how consistent it is. For example, in Japanese, the Nara period /p/ sound became /h/ if it was the onset of a word, /p/ if it was before a sokuon (っ), or /w/ if it was in the middle of a word (this /w/ would furthermore drop out before /i, u, e, o/). For evidence of this, look at the following words spelled in their historical kana orthography (歴史的仮名遣い) and modern kana orthography (現代仮名遣い).

私が歴史言語学に興味がある理由一つは歴史言語学の整然さだ。例えば、日本語においては、奈良時代の/p/の音が、語頭で/h/になり、促音(っ)の前に/p/になり、語中で/w/になった(/i, u, e, o/の前で、この/w/が脱落した)。証拠として、歴史的仮名遣いと現代仮名遣いで綴られた以下の単語を見よ。

Kanji 漢字Historical Kana Orthography 歴史的仮名遣いModern Kana Orthography 現代仮名遣い

Note: The はひふへほ characters signified the /pa, pi, pu, pe, po/ sounds when the historical kana orthography was created in the early Heian period.

注意:「はひふへほ」は歴史的仮名遣いが作られた平安初期に/pa, pi, pu, pe, po/の音を表していた。

So, with that said, you can imagine my disappointment when I found out that in Beijing Mandarin Chinese there is a class of syllables whose tone cannot be determined based on their Middle Chinese form. This class is composed of syllables which had the entering tone and a voiceless initial (except the glottal stop) in Middle Chinese. For brevity, I will refer to this class as ETVI (Entering Tone Voiceless Initial). According to David Branner’s A Neutral Transcription System for Teaching Medieval Chinese (p. 36), the ETVI syllables could develop into any of the four Modern Beijing Mandarin tones, which is in steep contrast to the other Chinese syllables that followed diachronic rules very closely. Branner suggests this may be the result of dialect mixing. Branner also notes that according to a correspondence he had with Jerry Norman, ETVI syllables tended to become either tone 1 or 3 for colloquial readings, and 2 or 4 for literary readings, due to forced rhyming called Xieyun 協韻.

そこでは、中古音形式によって現代北京語反映形の声調を予測できない音節があるとわかった時に、残念に思った。このクラスは、無声声母(声門閉鎖音以外)と入声の中古音形式の音節から成り立っている。以下、このクラスをETVI(Entering Tone Voiceless Initial 入声無声声母)と呼ぶ。デービッド・ブラナーの『中古音の教えのための中立表記』(A Neutral Transcription System for Teaching Medieval Chinese)(36頁)によると、通時的ルールに従う他の音節とは対照的に、ETVI音節は現代北京語の4種類の声調のどちらにもなりうる。この現象は方言同士が交流した結果であるかもしれないとブラナーは提案する。また、ジェリー・ノーマンとの協議の結果、ETVI音節が、口語の場合は1声、3声になり、文語の場合、「協韻」と呼ばれる強制押韻のために、2声、4声になる傾向があると、ブラナーは指摘している。

The thing that shocked me most about this phenomenon is that according to Pulleyblank’s The Nature of the Middle Chinese Tones and Their Development to Early Mandarin, by Early Mandarin, the language of Northern China during the Yuan period, the ETVI syllables had become tone 3. This naturally brings up the question, why did the ETVI syllables go from being regular to being irregular? While I could not immediately tackle this question since my knowledge of the history of the Chinese language is lacking, I figured a good first step was to collect statistical data on just how random the tonal distribution of the ETVI syllables actually is in Modern Beijing Mandarin. But before I get to the methodology, let’s go over Chinese syllable structure, and how Chinese developed from Early Middle Chinese to Modern Beijing Mandarin.

プリーブランクの『中古音の声調の性質と早期官話への発展』(The Nature of the Middle Chinese Tones and Their Development to Early Mandarin)によると、早期官話(元朝の北部中国の言語)までには、ETVI節音が3声になったことは、先ほど述べた発展には合致しない。故に、なぜETVI節音が規律から不規律になったかという問題が生じる。私は中国語の歴史について詳しくないので、この疑問に答えることができない。しかし現代北京語におけるETVI音節の声調分布がどれほどランダムであるかに関する統計データを集めると、この疑問を解決するための良い手段となるだろう。しかし方法を説明する前に、中国語音節構造と、中古音から現代北京語までの中国語歴史を見てみよう。

Chinese Syllable Structure 中国語の音節構成
Chinese syllables are traditionally divided into three parts: an initial, a final, and a tone. The initial consists of the onset of the syllable, the initial consonant. The final consists of the onglide, the nucleus, and the coda – the rest of the syllable. Lastly, the tone consists of a pitch that is carried for the duration of the syllable. For example, the modern Mandarin word shuāng 雙 can be analyzed as follows.


Initial 声母Final 韻母Tone 声調
sh [ʂ]uang [wɑŋ]1 [˥]

The Development of Tone from Early Middle Chinese to Modern Beijing Mandarin 前期中古音から現代北京語までの声調の発展
This explanation will only cover what is relevant for us to understand the origin and development of ETVI syllables. This explanation will exclusively follow Pulleyblank’s Late Middle Chinese – Part I/II, The Nature of the Middle Chinese Tones and Their Development to Early Mandarin, Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology, and Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin.

この説明では、ETVI音節の由来と発展を理解するために必要な部分だけを扱う。この説明はもっぱら、プリーブランクの『後期中古音 第1・2部』(Late Middle Chinese – Part I/II)『中古音の声調の性質と早期官話への発展』(The Nature of the Middle Chinese Tones and Their Development to Early Mandarin)、『中古音:歴史音韻論でのケーススタディ』(Middle Chinese: A Study in Historical Phonology)、『前期中古音、後期中古音、早期官話での再建された発音の字典』(Lexicon of Reconstructed Pronunciation in Early Middle Chinese, Late Middle Chinese, and Early Mandarin)に従っている。

Early Middle Chinese 前期中古音
Initials 声母
Early Middle Chinese (the language of the Sui dynasty), hereinafter EMC, had 39 initials, listed as follows.

前期中古音(隋朝での言語)、以下EMC(Early Middle Chinese)、は以下のリストにある通り39声母を持っていた。

Initial name 声母の名称Pronunciation 発音Notes 注釈
wSome scholars view 匣 and 云 as allophones instead of separate initials

牀 is also known as 崇

ʂ山 is also known as 生

照 is also known as 章

穿tɕʰ穿 is also known as 昌

The rime tables reverse the positions of 禪 and 神, so some reconstructions have their pronunciations reversed

ɕ審 is also known as 書

ʑ神 is also known as 船


The rime tables reverse the positions of 禪 and 神, so some reconstructions have their pronunciations reversed

j羊 is also known as 以

ɣSome scholars view 匣 and 云 as allophones instead of separate initials

HH is regarded as a “zero initial” and is left out of transcription, but Pulleyblank intends for it to be a “voiced laryngeal glide”. The only EMC characters to have this initial are the enclitics 矣 and 焉. Pulleyblank created this EMC initial because he believes the evidence for reconstructing initial 云 as [w] is indisputable, but 矣 and 焉, both starting with initial 云, have no trace of a labial glide. I am unaware of any other reconstruction which reconstructs an extra initial for EMC like this.


Tones 声調
EMC had four tones: the level tone 平, the rising tone 上, the departing tone 去, and the entering tone 入. While these tones likely did have an associated pitch contour, their most saliant features were their final segments.
  • The level tone had no final voiceless segment (and was likely a bit longer than the other tones)
  • The rising tone had a final glottal stop (from Old Chinese)
  • The departing tone had final aspiration (derived from Old Chinese final -s)
  • The entering tone had a final stop consonant (-p, -t, -k)

  • 平声は無声分節音で終わらない(そして他の声調より長い可能性が高い)
  • 上声は声門閉鎖音で終わる(上古音の-ʔに由来する)
  • 去声は有気で終わる(上古音の-sに由来する)
  • 入声は閉鎖子音(-p, -t, -k)で終わる

Late Middle Chinese 後期中古音
Initials 声母
The initials of Late Middle Chinese (the language of the Tang and Song dynasties), hereinafter LMC, changed from those of EMC in a few ways.
  • The bilabials (幫, 滂, 並, 明) labiodentalized before certain finals to form a set of new initials, (非 [f], 敷 [f], 奉 [fʱ], 微 [ʋ]) (even though 非 and 敷 were listed as separate initials, their distinction was likely artificial).
  • 羊 and 云 merged into a new initial: 喻 [H].
  • Voiced stops and affricates become voiceless but breathy. However, when I refer to “voiceless initials”, I am not referring to these, but rather the initials that were voiceless in EMC.
  • The palatals (照, 穿, 禪, 書, 船) merged with the retroflex sibilants (莊, 初, 牀, 山, 俟) (even though 牀 and 俟 were listed as separate initials, their distinction was likely artificial).
  • The pronunciation of the 日 initial went from a palatal nasal to a retroflex approximant [ɻ].

後期中古音(唐朝と宋朝での言語)、以下LMC(Late Middle Chinese)、はEMCから声母が以下のように変化した。
  • 両唇音(幫、滂、並、明)は、ある種の韻母の前にある場合は、唇歯化し、新しい声母(非 [f]、敷 [f]、奉 [fʱ]、微 [ʋ])を形成した(「非」と「敷」は別個の声母として記載されていたが、同じ音で発音されていた可能性が高い)。
  • 「羊」と「云」が合流し、新しい声母、喻 [H]、を形成した。
  • 有声閉鎖音と破擦音は、息もれ無声になった。ただし、この記事において、「無声声母」はこれらの声母を指さず、EMCでの無声声母を指す。
  • 硬口蓋音(照、穿、禪、書、船)はそり舌歯察音(莊、初、牀、山、俟)と合流した(「牀」と「俟」は別個の声母として記載されていたが、同じ音で発音されていた可能性が高い)。
  • 「日」の発音は、硬口蓋鼻音からそり舌接近音 [ɻ]になった。

Tones 声調
The LMC tonal system differs from that of EMC in the following ways.
  • The four EMC tones each split into two registers, a dark 陰 and light 陽 register (also known as the “upper” and “lower” registers, respectively). The dark register had a high pitch, while the light register had a low pitch. Syllables with voiceless initials went to the dark register while those with sonorant and breathy voiced aspirate initials went to the light register.
  • The final aspiration of the departing tone became a breathy voiced aspiration [ʱ].
  • EMC syllables with a breathy voiced aspirate initial and a rising tone merged with the departing tone light register, likely because the breathy voice from the initial spread to the glottal stop.
  • The final stops of the entering tone alternated with continuants accompanied by a glottal stop (-ʋʔ, -ɻʔ, -ɣʔ).

  • EMCの四声は「陰調」と「陽調」というレジスターにそれぞれ分裂した(「陰調」が「upper」と呼ばれ、「陽調」が「lower」と呼ばれる場合もある)。「陰調」はピッチが高いが、「陽調」はピッチが低い。無声声母を持つ音節は「陰調」になったが、共鳴音と息もれ声有気音声母を持つ音節は「陽調」になった。
  • 去声の末尾有気は息もれ声有気 [ʱ]になった。
  • 息もれ声有気音声母を持つEMC上声の音節は陽去声と合流した。その理由はおそらく、声母の息もれ声は閉鎖音に広がったからだ。
  • 入声の末尾閉鎖音は、閉門破裂音を伴う継続音(-ʋʔ, -ɻʔ, -ɣʔ)と、交替するようになった。

Early Mandarin 早期官話
Initials 声母
There’s no need to go too deep into the changes that occurred to the initials by Early Mandarin (the language of the Yuan dynasty, also known as Old Mandarin), hereinafter EM. However, there is one change relevant to the development of EM tones.
  • 影 [ʔ] merged with喻 /H/.

早期官話(元朝での言語)、以下EM(Early Mandarin)、古官話、までに起こった声母の変化について詳しく説明する必要はないだろう。ただしEM声調の成長に関係する変化が一つ存在する。
  • 「影」[ʔ]が「喻」/H/と合流した。

Tones 声調
Just like the previous stages, tones in EM were primarily based on laryngeal features, rather than simply pitch. The tonal classes of EM and their features are listed below.
  • The LMC level tone dark register was defined as tone 1 and had the features [-breath +long].
  • The LMC level tone light register was defined as tone 2 and had the features [+breath +long].
  • The LMC rising tone (both dark and light registers) was defined as tone 3 and had the features [-breath -long].
  • The LMC departing tone (both dark and light registers) was defined as tone 4 and had the features [+breath -long].

  • LMCの陰平声は第1声として定義され、その素性は[-息もれ +長い]であった。
  • LMCの陽平声は第2声として定義され、その素性は[+息もれ +長い]であった。
  • LMCの上声(陰上声と陽上声)は第3声として定義され、その素性は[-息もれ -長い]であった。
  • LMCの去声(陰去声と陽去声)は第4声として定義され、その素性は[+息もれ -長い]であった。

As for the entering tone, the stops/continuants accompanied by a glottal stop disappeared. The entering tone syllables were redistributed to the other tones as follows.
  • Entering tone syllables with LMC voiceless initials (except the glottal stop) merged with tone 3.
  • Entering tone syllables with LMC breathy voiced aspirate initials merged with tone 2.
  • Entering tone syllables with LMC sonorant initials (and the glottal stop) merged with tone 4.

  • LMC無声声母(声門閉鎖音以外)を持つ入声音節は第3声と合流した。
  • LMC息もれ声有気音声母を持つ入声音節は第2声と合流した。
  • LMC共鳴音声母(声門閉鎖音も)を持つ入声音節は第4声と合流した。

The explanation for this distribution is that the entering tone was originally short; therefore, the non-breathy LMC voiceless initial entering tone syllables merged with tone 3, and the LMC sonorant initial entering tone syllables, having secondary breath, merged with tone 4. As for the LMC breathy voiced aspirate initial entering tone syllables, the breathy voice from the initial spread to the final stop, lengthening it, and thereby they merged with tone 2.


Modern Beijing Mandarin 現代北京語
Like Early Mandarin, Modern Beijing Mandarin has four tones (Modern Beijing Mandarin is sometimes said to have a “fifth” tone, but this is better analyzed as a neutralized tone characteristic of weak syllables). However, these tonal distinctions became entirely based on pitch, rather than laryngeal features. The only tonal merger/split was the aforementioned shift of ETVI syllables from tone 3 to tones 1, 2, 3, 4.


Methodology 方法論
Now with all of that context out of the way, we can finally focus on the question at hand: what is the distribution of tones in Modern Beijing Mandarin for syllables that had the entering tone and a voiceless initial (except the glottal stop) in Middle Chinese?


To find this distribution, I decided to compare a dataset of Middle Chinese character readings, with a dataset of Modern Beijing Mandarin character readings. For the dataset of Middle Chinese character readings, I went with the Guangyun rime dictionary, digitized by the incredible Kanji Database Project. Even though the Guangyun was created in the Song Dynasty, it faithfully reflects the phonological system of the Qieyun, a Sui dynasty rime dictionary. The Guangyun dataset includes the readings of each character according to Karlgren’s Ancient Chinese reconstruction (analogous to Middle Chinese), making it quite easy to work with. For the modern-day dataset, I went with CC-CEDICT, because while expansive, it does not have many overly archaic readings. In addition, I needed a way to check if a modern-day reading comes from a historic reading. To do this, I used the Expected Mandarin Reflex module found on Wiktionary. While there were some reading pairs that the module said were not related but I suspected were, for the most part the module was very helpful at identifying which modern-day readings were related to historic readings.

この分布を明らかにするために、中古音の字音データセットと現代北京語の字音データセットを比較することにした。中古音の字音データセットについては、すばらしい「漢字データベースプロジェクト」によってディジタル化された『広韻』という韻書を使用することにした。『広韻』は宋朝に作られたが、『切韻』という隋朝における韻書の音韻論に従っている。『広韻』のデータセットはカールグレンの「Ancient Chinese」(中古音)再建による字音も含んでいるので、使いやすい。現代北京語データセットは規模が大きいが古語が多すぎないCC-CEDICTを使用することにした。加えて、現代北京語のある字音が歴史的な字音に基づくか確認する必要があった。そうするために、ウィクショナリーでの予想北京語反映形モジュールを使用した。モジュールが関係しないとしているが、関連すると私が思う字音が存在するものの、多くの場合、モジュールは現代北京語の字音と歴史的な字音の関連を特定することに役立っている。

To select the ETVI readings from the Guangyun dataset, I used Karlgren’s reconstruction. Since ETVI readings need to begin with non-glottal voiceless initials (幫, 滂, 非, 敷, 端, 透, 知, 徹, 精, 清, 心, 莊, 初, 生, 章, 昌, 書, 見, 溪, 曉) and end with a voiceless stop (k, p, t) in LMC, their Karlgren Ancient Chinese reconstructions will begin with exactly one of the following “p, pʰ, t, tʰ, ţ, ţʰ, ts, tsʰ, s, ʧ, ʧʰ, ʃ, tɕ, tɕʰ, ɕ, k, kʰ, x” and end with exactly one of the following “k, p, t”. From this, I found a total of 1143 ETVI readings. Note that some characters had more than one ETVI reading, and thus were counted more than once. Now, all I had to do was categorize each of these readings into either tone 1, tone 2, tone 3, tone 4 based on their Modern Beijing Mandarin reflex...

ETVI字音を『広韻』のデータセットから抽出するために、カールグレンの再建を使用した。ETVI字音はLMCにおいて声門音以外の無声声母(幫、滂、非、敷、端、透、知、徹、精、清、心、莊、初、生、章、昌、書、見、溪、曉)で始まり、無声閉鎖音(k, p, t)で終わるものなので、カールグレン再建は「p, pʰ, t, tʰ, ţ, ţʰ, ts, tsʰ, s, ʧ, ʧʰ, ʃ, tɕ, tɕʰ, ɕ, k, kʰ, x」の中の一つで始まり、「k, p, t」の中の一つで終わる。こうしてETVI字音を1143見つけた。ただしETVI字音を複数個持つため、複数回数えられた漢字もある。さて次はこれらのETVI字音を現代北京語反映形に基づいて第1声、第2声、第3声、第4声に分類しよう...

Results 結果
Out of the 1143 Middle Chinese ETVI readings, 422 of them did not have a Modern Beijing Mandarin reflex. The distribution of the remaining 721 readings’ Modern Beijing Mandarin tonal reflex distribution is as follows. Note that some Middle Chinese ETVI readings have multiple Modern Beijing Mandarin reflexes; in those case, the reading was categorized into all the reflexes’ tone classes.


Modern Beijing Mandarin Tone Class 現代北京語声調の種類Number of Readings 字音数Percentage of Total ETVI Readings that have a Modern Beijing Mandarin Reflex in this Class 総ETVI字音において、この種類に現代北京語の反映形がある割合
Tone 1 第1声18825%
Tone 2 第2声20927.79%
Tone 3 第3声577.58%
Tone 4 第4声29839.63%

As for the raw data, here are the characters that have a Middle Chinese ETVI reading, sorted by their Modern Beijing Mandarin tonal reflex.


Tone 1 第1声: 七侂倐倬儵八刮削剔剟剥割劄劈劐匹厀叔吸呷哭哳唂唧嘓噏圣墼失夾尗屩崞帀帖忽怗息悉惚惜慼慽戌戚扎扑拙捉捌掇掐接插揳撆撥撲擊攉攴昔朳析柒桌椄欻歇汁沰涿淅溼滴漆潝濕焟煞熄猲瘜癤癶發的皙盋督瞎瞥矻禿窟窸答節紮結緆緝缺翕翖耷聒胳腊膝臿荅菽蜇蜥蟈蟋蠍裰裼褉褡託詘豁貼踏踢轂逼遢郭鉢錫鏑鏚闕闟隻霹飥魠鴿鵖偪出切咄唧喝堀屈扒折捌揭撮昒梜楔殺激濕皀瞥砉磕積織缺脫菥蝃蠚袼褡踔鍤馲鴰作焌磕說鎩皀著揭

Tone 2 第2声: 乀伋伯侄傕則劂劄劫卓博即卽厥叕吉哫哲喆嗝嚗嚞國執夾妲婕宊察巿帗幅幯弗彴彿得德怛急悊惪戛戠抉拂摭攫斫斮斲晫札柏柞格桔桷棘椓樴橐橘殛汲淂潔潗灼炟熁燭爵玃玦琢瘃瘚的睫矍磔福禚秷稙窋竹笰答節級紱紼結絜綍縶羯聝職脚腳膈膕艴芨茍茖荅葍葛蕨虢蚻蛤蜇蜐蝍蝠蟨袷裌襋襏觡觼訣詧諑謫譎讁讋趹跖跲蹐蹠輒輵郟郹酌鈌鎛鏃鏑钁閣閤隔革靮靼餺馘駁駮骼髆鬲鮿鴂黻䅵亟厥啄嫡幗懫折拮挌摺斮晢格決祓竺脅茀蕝袺襮覺角觖訐識足跕蹢蹶輻韍髴卒搏梲笪芾茁蝍訐蹶髴

Tone 3 第3声: 丮乞劈匹卜囑塔尺属屬帖戟撮斸椁榖榾槨法渴瀔灋獺甲癖眨矚礤穀竺筆篤索給胛脊葛蓇谷轂鐵雪靸骨鰨丿合扢癖蹶鉀銕靸驖竺蓋蹶

Tone 4 第4声: 㣟㥦㲋䘏䟆促俶倜偰僻克刷刹刻剋剒劐勅勣匧卌却卹各呫咠嚃嚳埆塙壁壑夙夾奭妾婥媟客室屑屧屮帖帹廓式彳必忒怯怵恤恪恰悐惕愙愜愨慝抶拓拭挈撻擉擘攃攝敕斥朅朔朴束柏桎梏榻榼槊樕檗歠殈毾泣洫浙渫湢湱漯漷潟潷澼灄煞燮爍牿猝玊玓珀珌璧甋畢疶瘯的皕矗矟碏碧確碻磧稷窒窣竊笏築篋篳簇籜粕粟紲綽緙緤績翣肅肸腹膈葺蒪蒴蓽蔌蔎蕮薩藒藿蘀虩蛞蛭蝮螫蟀血衋褻襞襫觱觸設訹謋謔豁豖賉赤赩赫趯跡踏踥蹕蹟蹴躄躞軾輹辵迹逖速逴適郅鄎酷釋釳銍錔鑕鑠闃闊闋闕闥陟霍鞹韘颯飭飾餗餮騭驌髮鬩鯽鱐鵲鷫黜齪䒗亍侐僻切副卒卻厝咇喝嗒嚇塞宿徹掣搉撤暍柷楅橚欶歃歙歜泄涑湱溘炙猲玊矗磕磭祝筑箾籊翛肸舄萐蔟蛭複适逴鄐鉻銍錯鍥霎魄鯽啜嗃婼數涑磕礐箑芍覆辟啜

Here are the characters that had an ETVI reading in Middle Chinese, but that ETVI reading does not have a Modern Beijing Mandarin reflex (according to CC-CEDICT and the Expected Mandarin Reflex module).


NA 該当なし: 䅵䒗仄仡佸偪側僣劼勗勺匊北卒卻吃咄咥咭哱唊啄啅喀喫嗀嗇嗒嘁嘎嘖堲妁嫡尐屈岊嶨幘庴惙惻愊慉慴憋懾戄戢扢扱拍括拮拶挶掬搉搨搭摑摘撅擖攥斠旭曲柮柷栻梜梲棤椈楅楔楫榷槭樎橜櫛櫡欂欱歃歙歰汔汨決沏洁活浹測滑澀澁濇濈濮烕焃焯熇狘獝瑟璞璱畟百眣砉砝硅秸穡窄筈策筴箑簀絀綌緁縮繘羍膊臛舄舴色茁茇莢菊萐蓄蓿蕺薛蚱蛣蛺蜨蝨蝶蠋蠚蠽袚袺襆襮訖詰諕謖貜責趵趿跕踖踘踧蹙蹜蹼躂躠躩輂轖迄迫迮适達遫郝郤鄐醭鈒鉀鉿鋏鋦鍤鍥钃閘閾隙雀霅霎霩鞠鞫頡頰顣餄髺鬄魄鰈鴰鶻麴黒鼈䗪倅借債刜別刷刺剟劃劊匃咠咭唬啑喋喌嗑嗽囁堲契嬙寨帗帥幅弔怕愬憋押拓掇搏摘擖擷攃攴晫柣柵栔栝梏梲楬檜檝欱歁歊汏浩涉淢準溥滷漷潎潚濇濼焱煠熇燋爆爚爝獺率畜畟畷癟眣矠砝稭窒筈筏筴篧粥索綴緎繣繳舴茁莔菐萴葉葺蓄蓫薔薜蜈蝍蟋袷觳詧譫豞質跮跲踖蹴躩較輟辟迮透適郃郜郝醊鈒鉆鉍鑿閉霅霫靼鞠韘韣頊頜颮餟駃騤骱鱖鵖鵯鷩齱不了副呿咋咥嗽嘖契愒扒敫柲柵樸泌潏熇爆猲瘛皀笈笮筴索翯胠蓫蛭觕詆謏適郝鄗銛馲啐啜杓樸濊芍覆詀蹻鞄揭濼芍

Conclusions 結論
Glancing at the data, reflexes of tone 4 seem to be the most common, those of tone 1 and 2 seem to be somewhat common, and those of tone 3 seem to be the least common. This is notable since according to Pulleyblank’s theory, they would all be tone 3 in Early Mandarin. There is also no apparent distribution analogous to what David Branner and Jerry Norman discussed.


Now this is where I intended to conclude my article, with empirical data on the reflexes of ETVI readings in Modern Beijing Mandarin. However, that feels a bit incomplete to me. So, if I may, I would like to provide what I see as the simplest modification of Pulleyblank’s tonal theory in order to explain the reflex tonal distribution we see here. Please note that I am not proposing a theory based on the most up to date information, rather I am just giving what I see as the necessary steps in order to make Pulleyblank’s, possibly outdated, tonal theory consistent with the observed data.


Pulleyblank weighs the evidence that the entering tone had merged with the non-entering tones by Early Mandarin, and ultimately concludes that they had completely merged. However, if the ETVI syllables had merged with tone 3 by EM, it would be impossible for the ETVI syllables to then become randomly distributed in Modern Beijing Mandarin while the non-ETVI syllables stayed as tone 3. Therefore, I conclude that the entering tone was at least somewhat distinct from the non-entering tones in EM. I propose that this distinction was a remnant glottal stop in place of the former stop consonant for the entering tone.


This remnant glottal stop is actually seen in some contemporary Mandarin dialects such as those in the Jianghuai region. With this, I propose that Early Mandarin tones had a third feature in addition to breath and length: glottalization. Since EM tone 3 had a final glottal stop in LMC, it is not a far stretch to assume that it also was glottalized in EM (though its glottal stop was likely more saliant than that of the entering tone). Thus, I think that the Early Mandarin tonal system can be described as follows:


Tone 1 第1声Tone 2 第2声Tone 3 第3声Tone 4 第4声Tone 2.1 第2.1声Tone 3.1 第3.1声Tone 4.1 第4.1声

Note that “Tone 2.1” refers to entering tone syllables with LMC breathy voiced aspirate initials, “Tone 3.1” refers to entering tone syllables with LMC voiceless initials (except the glottal stop), and “Tone 4.1” refers to entering tone syllables with LMC sonorant initials (and glottal stop). Herein, tones 2.1, 3.1, and 4.1 are distinct from tones 2, 3, and 4, but quite similar to them. This is why some works from the Yuan period separate the entering tones from the non-entering tones, but others use them to gloss each other. Something notable in this system is that each tone has at least one laryngeal feature, implying that the tones were identified by their laryngeal feature rather than lack thereof.


Next, the entering tones lost their final glottal stop in Beijing Mandarin yielding a system as follows.


Tone 1 第1声Tone 2 第2声Tone 3 第3声Tone 4 第4声Tone 2.1 第2.1声Tone 3.1 第3.1声Tone 4.1 第4.1声

Due to this, tone 2.1 merged with tone 2, and tone 4.1 merged with tone 4. However, tone 3.1 lacking all laryngeal features, was not a stable tonal category. Accordingly, the words of tone 3.1 were redistributed to the other tones inversely to the salience of the laryngeal features of the tonal system. Glottalization would be the most saliant, length would be somewhat saliant, and breath would be the least salient. That’s to say, the lack of glottalization of tone 3.1 would make a tone 3.1 syllable unlikely to become tone 3, the lack of length of tone 3.1 would make a tone 3.1 syllable somewhat unlikely to become tone 1 or 2, and the lack of breath of tone 3.1 would make a tone 3.1 syllable only slightly unlikely to become tone 4.


Once again, this theory is not based on the most cutting-edge research, but I can appreciate how little is needed to modify Pulleyblank’s tonal development theory in order to explain the tonal distribution of the ETVI syllables’ reflexes. Any Chinese tonal development theory worth its salt needs to be able to explain this phenomenon.


Future Research 将来の研究
While I am happy with how this analysis turned out, there is much work to be done. First, one should utilize other historical Chinese tone theories, and see how they can explain the tonal distribution of ETVI syllables in Modern Beijing Mandarin. Then, someone could repeat this methodology, but use a different Modern Beijing Mandarin dictionary, or expected Mandarin reflex algorithm and see if it yields the same results. Finally, one could look over my data with a fine-tooth comb and see if there are any patterns that can better explain this phenomenon. There is still a lot of work to be done, so for those of you who are trying to figure out what to write their paper on, please, help yourself~